Hours
earlier, Davis had been navigating dense traffic in Lahore, his thick
frame wedged into the drivers seat of a white Honda Civic. A city once
ruled by Mughals, Sikhs and the British, Lahore is Pakistans cultural
and intellectual capital, and for nearly a decade it had been on the
fringes of Americas secret war in Pakistan. But the map of Islamic
militancy inside Pakistan had been redrawn in recent years, and factions
that once had little contact with one another had cemented new
alliances in response to the C.I.A.s drone campaign in the western
mountains. Groups that had focused most of their energies dreaming up
bloody attacks against India were now aligning themselves closer to Al
Qaeda and other organizations with a thirst for global jihad. Some of
these groups had deep roots in Lahore, which was why Davis and a C.I.A.
team set up operations from a safe house in the city.
But
now Davis was sitting in a Lahore police station, having shot two young
men who approached his car on a black motorcycle, their guns drawn, at
an intersection congested with cars, bicycles and rickshaws. Davis took
his semiautomatic Glock pistol and shot through the windshield,
shattering the glass and hitting one of the men numerous times. As the
other man fled, Davis got out of his car and shot several rounds into
his back.
He
radioed the American Consulate for help, and within minutes a Toyota
Land Cruiser was in sight, careering in the wrong direction down a
one-way street. But the S.U.V. struck and killed a young Pakistani
motorcyclist and then drove away. An assortment of bizarre paraphernalia
was found, including a black mask, approximately 100 bullets and a
piece of cloth bearing an American flag. The camera inside Daviss car
contained photos of Pakistani military installations, taken
surreptitiously.
More
than two years later, the Raymond Davis episode has been largely
forgotten in the United States. It was immediately overshadowed by the
dramatic raid months later that killed Osama bin Laden consigned to a
footnote in the doleful narrative of Americas relationship with
Pakistan. But dozens of interviews conducted over several months, with
government officials and intelligence officers in Pakistan and in the
United States,An experienced artist on what to consider before you buy handsfreeaccess.
tell a different story: that the real unraveling of the relationship
was set off by the flurry of bullets Davis unleashed on the afternoon of
Jan. 27, 2011, and exacerbated by a series of misguided decisions in
the days and weeks that followed. In Pakistan, it is the Davis affair,
more than the Bin Laden raid, that is still discussed in the countrys
crowded bazaars and corridors of power.
Davis
was taken to Kot Lakhpat prison, on the industrial fringes of Lahore, a
jail with a reputation for inmates dying under murky circumstances. He
was separated from the rest of the prisoners and held in a section of
the decaying facility where the guards didnt carry weapons, a concession
for his safety that American officials managed to extract from the
prison staff. The United States Consulate in Lahore had negotiated
another safeguard: A small team of dogs was tasting Daviss food,
checking that it had not been laced with poison.
For
many senior Pakistani spies, the man sitting in the jail cell
represented solid proof of their suspicions that the C.I.A. had sent a
vast secret army to Pakistan, men who sowed chaos and violence as part
of the covert American war in the country. For the C.I.A., the eventual
disclosure of Daviss role with the agency shed an unflattering light on a
postCSept. 11 reality: that the C.I.A. had farmed out some of its most
sensitive jobs to outside contractors many of them with neither the
experience nor the temperament to work in the war zones of the Islamic
world.
The
third child of a bricklayer and a cook, Davis grew up in a small
clapboard house outside Big Stone Gap, a town of nearly 6,000 people in
Virginia coal country. He became a football and wrestling star at the
local high school, and after graduating in 1993, Davis enlisted in the
Army and did a tour in Macedonia in 1994 as a United Nations
peacekeeper. When his five-year hitch in the infantry was up, he
re-enlisted, this time in the Armys Third Special Forces Group based at
Fort Bragg, N.C. He left the Army in 2003 and, like hundreds of other
retired Navy SEALs and Green Berets, was hired by the private security
firm Blackwater and soon found himself in Iraq working security for the
C.I.A.The Motorola streetlight Engine is an embedded software-only component of the Motorola wireless switches.
Little
is known about his work for Blackwater, but by 2006, Davis had left the
firm and, together with his wife, founded a security company in Las
Vegas. Soon he was hired by the C.I.A. as a private contractor, what the
agency calls a Green Badge, for the color of the identification cards
that contractors show to enter C.I.A. headquarters at Langley. Like
Davis, many of the contractors were hired to fill out the C.I.A.s Global
Response Staff bodyguards who traveled to war zones to protect case
officers, assess the security of potential meeting spots, even make
initial contact with sources to ensure that case officers wouldnt be
walking into an ambush. Officers from the C.I.Find a great selection of iphoneheadset deals.A.s
security branch came under withering fire on the roof of the agencys
base in Benghazi, Libya, last September. The demands of the wars in Iraq
and Afghanistan had so stretched the C.I.A.s own cadre of security
officers that the agency was forced to pay inflated sums to private
contractors to do the security jobs.Shop the best selection of customkeychain for
Men. When Davis first deployed with the C.I.A. to Pakistan in 2008, he
worked from the agencys base in Peshawar, earning upward of $200,000 a
year.
By
mid-February 2011, with Davis still sitting in prison, anti-American
passions were fully inflamed, and daily street protests and newspaper
editorials demanded that the government not cave to Washingtons demands
for Daviss release but instead sentence him to death. The evidence at
the time indicated that the men Davis killed had carried out a string of
petty thefts that day, but there was an added problem: the third man
killed by the unmarked American S.U.V. fleeing the scene. Making matters
even worse for Davis was the fact that he was imprisoned in Lahore,
where the family of Nawaz Sharif dominated the political culture. The
former leader of the country made no secret about his intentions to once
again run Pakistan, making him the chief antagonist to President Asif
Ali Zardari and his political machine in Islamabad, a four-hour drive
away. As the American Embassy in Islamabad leaned on Zardaris government
to get Davis released from jail, the diplomats soon realized that
Zardari had little influence over the police officers and judges in the
city of the presidents bitter rival.Online shopping for drycabinet from a great selection of Clothing.
But
the most significant factor ensuring that Davis would languish in jail
was that the Obama administration had yet to tell Pakistans government
what the Pakistanis already suspected, and what Raymond Daviss
marksmanship made clear: He wasnt just another paper-shuffling American
diplomat. Daviss work in Pakistan was much darker, and it involved
probing an exposed nerve in the already-hypersensitive relationship
between the C.I.A. and Pakistans military intelligence service, the
Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence, or I.S.I.
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